One Question

Sunday's assassination attempt raises many questions, but only one really matters right now

After the events of Sunday afternoon, there’s just one question that matters now: How can we prevent Donald Trump’s enemies from killing him?

That they’re determined to kill him is now beyond doubt. There have been two attempts on Donald Trump’s life in the space of two months. This is totally unheralded in American history. Nothing like this has ever happened before.

That Trump’s enemies have been preparing for years to end his life, if necessary, is also beyond doubt. This is not a new development, but the logical endpoint of a series of escalating containment measures that have each failed, in turn: from reputation-destruction and smears, via political witch-hunts and collusion with foreign governments and intelligence services, to regime-sanctioned murder.

Here we are, as if we didn’t know it already.

The writing was on the wall from the moment Trump was elected. For eight years, we’ve been told that he’s a dictator-in-the-making, an Orange Hitler, but it’s only more recently, as it became obvious that all other forms of persecution had failed and would fail, that murder became a real option.

So we’ve ended up at what I call “the Brutus Option”: the consistent portrayal of Trump as America’s Caesar, as the man who is fated to bring the American Republic to an end if the normal process of democracy is allowed to take its course—which means, clearly, that only some extraordinary intervention, knives on the Senate floor, can stop him. “A Trump dictatorship is increasingly inevitable,” Victoria Nuland’s husband Robert Kagan told us last year in The Washington Post. That screed should have been considered a missive direct from the pen of the deep state, because that’s exactly what it was.

That Trump’s current security arrangements are utterly unfit for purpose—that, too, is beyond doubt. The investigation into the events of two months ago in Butler, Pennsylvania is turning up a catalogue of errors and oversights that are impossible to excuse. At best, the Secret Service is simply overworked and understaffed, and on a weekend when they also had to cover events for the First Lady and the Vice President, they simply weren’t up to the task. At worst, there are elements within the Secret Service that are actively conspiring to kill Donald Trump. Yesterday, I reported that the Secret Service never told local police to guard the rooftop from which the coward Thomas Matthew Crooks shot at the former president. This from the mouths of two senior government officials associated with the Secret Service’s own internal probe. It’s not beyond the realms of possibility that elements within the Secret Service allowed the rooftop to remain undefended because they knew what Thomas Matthew Crooks was going to do. Every Catholic knows there’s little difference between a sin of omission and a sin of commission.

Either way—through lack of resources or through deliberate malfeasance and conspiracy—the outcome was the same. And now it’s happened again.

I wouldn’t pretend to know all the appropriate security measures for protecting a former president on a golf course, and I can imagine a golf course isn’t the easiest terrain to cover, what with all those bunkers and ponds and trees in the way, and maybe, since it’s Florida, an alligator or two. But it strikes me that a gunman shouldn’t be able to get within a hole’s distance of the president, even under such circumstances.

Where were the drones? Where were the dogs? Why were there only two agents with the president?

I’m pleased to see Florida governor Ron DeSantis has already announced a parallel investigation into this latest attempt on Donald Trump’s life. As Erik Prince pointed out in an interview with Benny Johnson last night, federal authorities cannot be trusted not to tamper with or suppress critical evidence, and I think in this case, much more than with Thomas Matthew Crooks, there looks to be evidence of direct connections between the shooter and the US intelligence community and Trump’s enemies. Ryan Routh went to Ukraine to recruit foreign fighters—apparently, Afghans who had fled the Taliban and ended up in Iran and Pakistan—and he featured in propaganda for the Azov battalion, a CIA front that’s been used to recruit domestic agents provocateurs, including members of the absurd “Blood Tribe” neo-Nazi group. He also worked closely on the ground in Ukraine with Malcolm Nance, a former MSNBC correspondent and member of US intelligence. To say that Routh “glows” is an understatement. The man is visible through walls.

We have evidence from Routh’s own social media that he was active in Washington—physically there—working and lobbying on behalf of Ukraine. So who did he meet? Politicians? Bureaucrats? Intelligence?

A proper investigation must answer all of these questions, and more.

But what matters most, as I said at the beginning, is the answer to a not-so-simple practical question: What can we do—what can the Trump campaign do—to prevent the former president from being killed?

We have every reason to believe there will be another attempt on Trump’s life or even multiple attempts. The regime is out of options, and it has an unlimited supply of mindf*cked MKUltra victims queuing up to take shots. Two have been unsuccessful so far. But it only takes one.

These attempts won't end if Trump wins in November. He could be assassinated before he takes office in January 2025. And, of course, he could be assassinated after.

Trump needs to get serious about his security. Ditch the Secret Service and hire people who don’t have an interest in your death, Mr President. Whatever the cost in money: do it now. The cost of not doing so—to you, your family and the nation—doesn’t bear thinking about.